In a reply to the Indian representative’s statement during the general debate of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly, Counsellor Saima Saleem termed India a state “that has elevated propaganda into statecraft, embraced disinformation as diplomacy, exports terrorism as an instrument of policy, pursues hegemony as a regional strategy, mainstreamed Islamophobia and institutionalised Hindutva ideology”.

“The extraordinary balance sheet of today’s incredibly intolerant India. It exports terrorism and violence while trying to import victimhood and sympathy,” she said.

“Pakistan knows the cost of Indian-sponsored terrorism all too well,” she said, adding that since the turn of the century, Pakistan had lost nearly 100,000 lives to terrorism, generations had been scarred and billions of dollars had been drained from the country’s economy.

She said Pakistan’s counter-terrorism efforts and sacrifices had been well recognised internationally.

“We have also presented to the international community extensive evidence of India’s financing, aiding and abetting of terrorist groups targeting Pakistanis, including the TTP, BLA and Majeed Brigade,” she said.

“Yet, despite its endless lectures to others on terrorism, we are still waiting to hear India unequivocally condemn the terrorist attacks that kill innocent Pakistani civilians. But how can we expect India to condemn its proxies?” she stated.

She said India’s “terrorist exports have gone from regional to global”, citing former Indian naval commander Kulbhushan Jadhav, convicted in Pakistan on terrorism and espionage charges, and Nikhil Gupta, who pleaded guilty in the United States for plotting the murder of a Sikh leader at the direction of the Indian government.

She also referred to “others implicated in assassinations carried out in Canada”.

Kashmir dispute

Turning to the Kashmir dispute, the counsellor said: “Jammu and Kashmir never was, neither is, nor will ever be an integral part of India. It is an internationally recognised disputed territory, a huge part of which is under India’s forcible and illegal occupation for nearly eight decades against the wishes of the Kashmiri people, and in gross violation of international law and numerous resolutions of the Security Council.”

“The contrast between AJK and Indian-occupied Jammu and Kashmir could not be more stark,” she said.

“In AJK, Kashmiris enjoy rights, participate in political life and have the freedom to express their opinions, while the people of Indian-occupied Kashmir endure decades of occupation, repression and denial of their fundamental rights and freedoms, including the inalienable right to self-determination. Rights exercised cannot be equated with rights denied,” she said.

‘Largest hypocrisy in the world’

Saima said the ruling RSS-BJP dispensation in India had “institutionalised Hindutva ideology in state policy and practice, and unleashed a reign of terror against minorities”.

“Muslims are demonised; Christians persecuted; Dalits dehumanised; and Sikhs disenfranchised in the largest hypocrisy in the world,” she said.

She said massacres of Muslims in Gujarat and Delhi under state patronage, calls for the genocide of Muslims, Islamophobic rhetoric by politicians and discriminatory citizenship laws were part of the “Hindutva project”.

Indus Waters Treaty

On the Indus Waters Treaty, Saima said that by the “so-called holding in abeyance of the Indus Waters Treaty and blatantly disregarding its international legal obligations, including the sanctity of treaties”, India had “stooped to a new low of weaponising water, a lifeline for the 240 million people of Pakistan”.

She said India’s “false narratives and disinformation could not hide the crushing defeat it suffered at Pakistan’s hands during Marka-i-Haq in May 2025”.

“It is well recognised by the international community that India lost more than a military conflict; it lost its credibility. Today, India can no longer import sympathy as it stands exposed in front of the world,” she said.

“As stated by my prime minister, Pakistan remains steadfast in its pursuit of peace, mutual respect, dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes in our region and beyond — a commitment reflected in our consistent role as a peacemaker, mediator and bridge-builder,” she stated.

“We will defend ourselves whenever aggression is imposed upon us, but we will never abandon the path to peace; for lasting strength lies not in the wars a nation can fight, but in the peace it has the courage to build and defend.”

Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on Friday said any attempt by India to stop, impede or divert Pakistan’s share of water would be treated as an “act of war”.

Addressing the 81st session of the UN General Assembly in New York, he said India’s decision to hold the Indus Waters Treaty in abeyance had no legal basis, adding that the country’s position had been rejected by UN experts and the Permanent Court of Arbitration.

The operation was conducted by Pakistan Navy ships PNS Hunain and PNS Yarmook under the ambit of maritime security operations, the navy’s Director General Public Relations said.

According to the statement, the ships intercepted a suspicious boat during routine patrols and conducted a boarding operation. More than 2,800 kilogrammes of narcotics were recovered from concealed compartments on board the vessel during the subsequent inspection.

“This remarkable achievement reflects Pakistan Navy’s sustained surveillance, vigilance, and unwavering commitment to regional maritime security, global peace, and the fight against illicit trafficking at sea.”

Following the operation, Chief of the Naval Staff Admiral Naveed Ashraf commended the officers and crew of PNS Hunain and PNS Yarmook for their “professionalism, vigilance and dedication”.

He said the Pakistan Navy remained committed to safeguarding national maritime interests and maintaining good order at sea while contributing to the security of the global commons.

Earlier in June, the navy seized around two tonnes of drugs — 1,500 kilograms of hashish and 500 kgs of ‘ice’ — near the coastline of Gwadar.

The value of seized drugs was estimated at around $215 million in the international market.

In October last year, the navy seized narcotics worth more than $972 million from sailboats in the Arabian Sea.

The navy said in a statement that the achievement highlighted its “unwavering commitment to regional maritime security, global peace, and the collective fight against illicit trafficking at sea”.

On Tuesday, the court returned bail petitions filed by human rights lawyers Imaan and Hadi in the Kohsar police station protest case over the absence of signed powers of attorney.

During the proceedings, ATC Judge Tahir Abbas Sipra directed the jail superintendent to explain why he should not be sentenced to six months in prison for allegedly disobeying the court’s orders.

No representative of Adiala jail appeared before the court, while the two accused could also not be produced through video link despite a previous direction.

Dr Shireen Mazari, Imaan’s mother, and a large number of lawyers appeared before the court during the proceedings.

The judge expressed displeasure over the failure of the jail authorities to obtain Imaan and Hadi’s signatures on the powers of attorney, which are required to authorise lawyers to represent them in the bail proceedings.

Judge Sipra remarked that the jail superintendent should not push the court — or himself — into a corner.

He asked whether the deputy superintendent had collected the powers of attorneys from the sessions court on the relevant day.

Advocate Riasat Ali Azad told the court that he was not certain whether the documents had been collected from the court. He said the lawyers had submitted the powers of attorneys there for onward transmission to Adiala jail in compliance with the court’s order.

The serial numbers of the powers of attorneys submitted to the sessions court were subsequently presented before the bench.

The court staff informed Judge Sipra that Imaan and Hadi were not being produced through video link because the jail authorities had cited internet connectivity problems.

The judge expressed dissatisfaction with the explanation, observing that the Adiala jail authorities had also repeatedly cited internet connectivity issues in an earlier case.

He recalled that he had previously directed experts from PTCL and NTC to visit Adiala jail to resolve the connectivity problem, specifically instructing that experts be sent from Haripur.

Judge Sipra observed that obtaining and signing the vakalatnama was a fundamental right of an accused and could not be denied on account of administrative hurdles.

The court subsequently issued a show-cause notice for contempt of court to the Adiala jail superintendent and sought an explanation as to why he should not be sentenced to six months’ imprisonment.

The ATC adjourned further proceedings until Tuesday.

On January 24, an Islamabad sessions court sentenced Imaan and Hadi to a total of 17 years in jail on multiple charges under the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (Peca).

However, on September 17, the Supreme Court suspended the couple’s sentences in the controversial social media posts case. The SC granted the couple bail against surety bonds of Rs200,000 and ordered their release pending the IHC’s final verdict.

Soon after their release, Islamabad police personnel, led by the SSP Operations, reached Adiala jail and arrested the two again in connection with the Kohsar police station protest case. The police subsequently produced them before the ATC late at night. However, the ATC rejected the police’s request for a 30-day physical remand of the couple and sent them to jail on judicial remand.

Noor Zaman and Mohammad Ashab Irfan both fell in straight games at the Nagoya Kinjo Futo Arena, leaving Pakistan with two bronze medals from the squash court.

Noor, Pakistan’s top-ranked player, went toe-to-toe with top seed Eain Yow Ng in a gripping opening game.

The pair traded points to 5-5 before Noor edged ahead 7-5, but the Malaysian halted his momentum and launched a comeback to take the first game 11-7 in 14 minutes.

The 28-year-old Ng was relentless thereafter.

Noor took the opening point of the second game, but Ng immediately drew level and then rattled off 10 consecutive points before Noor could respond, wrapping up the game 11-2 in just four minutes.

The Malaysian raced to a six-point lead in the third before Noor got on the board, and although the 22-year-old clawed two points back and denied Ng on his first match point, the top seed sealed victory 11-4 on his second attempt to end Pakistan’s run in the event.

Mohammad Ashab Irfan was never allowed to settle in his semi-final against second seed Abhay Singh of India.

The 22-year-old lost the first game 11-3, showed improvement in the second but still went down 12-10, before the experienced 28-year-old closed out the win 11-6 in the third to wrap up the match in 35 minutes.

Winning streak broken

The hockey team’s perfect record also came to a stunning end on Saturday as Malaysia edged Pakistan 5-4 at the Gifu Prefectural Green Stadium.

Sufyan Khan, Pakistan’s top scorer at the Games, netted all four goals from penalty corners — taking his tournament tally to nine in four matches — but could not prevent the defeat.

Pakistan opened the scoring in the third minute, only for Shello Silverius to immediately draw Malaysia level.

Faizal Saari put Malaysia ahead from a penalty corner in the 23rd minute, before Sufyan struck in the 39th and 43rd minutes to regain the lead for Pakistan.

Saari Fitri pulled Malaysia level again on the stroke of the third quarter to make it 3-3.

Pakistan started the fourth quarter brightly as Sufyan scored again in the 46th minute, while Mohammed Ammad had a shot saved before Malaysian goalkeeper Zaimi Deris Mat denied both Sufyan a fifth goal and Ghazanfar Ali.

Malaysia made Pakistan pay for the missed opportunities, with Silverius levelling once more before Azrai Abu Kamal stunned the four-time World Cup winners in the 57th minute.

Pakistan poured forward as Malaysia’s Faris Harizan was shown a green card and two penalty corners followed, but Malaysia held on.

The Green Shirts will play their final pool match against Oman on Monday.

Shuttler Mahoor crashes out

Pakistan’s star shuttler Mahoor Shahzad crashed out of the women’s singles, losing 21-5, 21-11 to Indonesia’s Putri Kusuma Wardani in a one-sided first-round match at the Ichinomiya City Municipal Gymnasium.

The national champion never found her rhythm against the 24-year-old Indonesian, who dictated every rally.

Wardani raced to a 4-0 lead before the 29-year-old Mahoor got on the scoreboard, then pulled away to take the opening game 21-5 in just 10 minutes. Mahoor failed to win a single point on her own serve in the game.

She briefly led early in the second, but Wardani drew level and reeled off five straight points to move 12-6 ahead, closing out the match 21-11 on her second match point. Mahoor managed only four points on her serve in the second game and never strung together more than three consecutive points.

Shajar sprints to semis

On the track, Shajar Abbas qualified from his 200-metre heat, finishing third in 21.23 seconds behind Japan’s Akira Hayashi (21.19) and Bahrain’s Abbas Ali (21.13) at the Nagoya City Mizuho Park Athletic Stadium.

Shajar was competing for the first time this season after recovering from an injury. The semi-finals were to be held later on Saturday, with the final scheduled for Sunday.

Disappointment in the ring

The day got even worse for Pakistan’s athletes as both boxers were ousted at the Nishio Gymnasium.

Commonwealth Games bronze medallist Fatima Zehra lost comprehensively against Mijgona Samadova of Tajikistan in their women’s 60kg bout. The 28-year-old Samadova never let Fatima settle, taking the first round 10-8 on four judges’ scorecards.

Fatima could not recover from that opening-round beating as the Tajik kept the pressure on in the second, knocking her down once.

The 22-year-old lost the second 10-8 on four cards, and while she showed great heart to take the fight the distance, the third also went against her 10-8 on three judges’ scorecards.

Earlier, Irfan Khan had a forgettable debut in the men’s 90kg category, knocked down twice in the first round by South Korea’s Gichae Kim before the referee stopped the contest in the second.

The judges had scored the opening round in Kim’s favour, with four giving the South Korean a 10-9 advantage and one scoring it 10-8. Kim added another knockdown in the second before the stoppage.

It was a partnership. It was also, for many ordinary Bangladeshis, a cage.

That cage door swung open in August 2024. A student-led uprising toppled Hasina’s government, and in the vacuum that followed, an interim administration led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus began doing something Dhaka had not seriously attempted in half a century: looking around the room at options other than India. Pakistan, once the unmentionable neighbour, became one of them.

This is not a small story, and it is not, as some in Delhi’s commentariat have framed it, a conspiracy or a betrayal. It is something more interesting and more legitimate: a mid-sized nation exercising the same right every sovereign state claims for itself — the right to diversify, hedge and choose its partners on merit rather than inheritance.

The facts on the ground are not speculative. In late 2025, Pakistan’s then chairman of the joint chiefs of staff committee, General Sahir Shamshad Mirza, travelled to Dhaka and met Yunus himself, alongside Bangladesh’s National Security Adviser and Pakistan’s High Commissioner.

The conversation covered trade, investment and defence cooperation — the ordinary vocabulary of two states rebuilding a relationship from scratch, rather than the language of grievance. It was a meeting that would have been unthinkable a few years earlier, and it happened anyway, because both capitals decided the 1971 war did not have to be the last word in their relationship forever.

Then came logistics. Direct shipping and air links between Karachi and Dhaka resumed in early 2026, ending a 14-year halt that had forced goods and people through expensive, indirect routes.

Pakistan has formally proposed that Karachi Port serve as a transit point for Bangladesh-China trade, a potentially useful option for a country seeking to reduce its dependence on any single land or sea corridor. None of this required Bangladesh to sever a single tie with India. It simply gave Dhaka a second door out of the room.

And in February 2026, Bangladeshi voters delivered a parliamentary victory to the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, closing the interim chapter and installing an elected government that has, so far, continued rather than reversed the diversification Yunus began.

That is not the profile of a policy imposed from outside. That is the profile of a policy that has, at minimum, enough domestic support to survive an actual election.

Every serious foreign policy tradition, from Bandung to the modern language of “multi-alignment” used in New Delhi’s own strategic circles, treats diversification as a sign of maturity, not disloyalty.

Vietnam balances China and the United States. India itself buys Russian oil and American weapons in the same year. Bangladesh doing the equivalent — keeping Indian trade ties alive while opening channels to Pakistan, China and Turkey — is not radical. It is simply Bangladesh graduating into the same club.

For Pakistan, the opportunity here is real, but it demands restraint, not triumphalism. The goal cannot be to replace India in Bangladesh’s strategic imagination; it should be to build something narrower and more durable: a working relationship based on trade volume, defence-industry cooperation and a shared voice in forums such as the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, rather than on nostalgia or shared grievance against a common rival.

Pakistan has spent years quietly inviting Bangladeshi officials to training programmes and institutional exchanges that went largely unanswered during the Awami League years. That patience is now paying a modest, overdue dividend. Islamabad should bank it soberly.

Critics inside and outside Bangladesh warn that leaning towards Islamabad, and towards Beijing’s defence and technology ecosystem by extension, could reopen the wounds of the Liberation War or drag Dhaka into someone else’s rivalry with New Delhi. These are not frivolous concerns, and Pakistan does itself no favours by dismissing them.

The honest answer is that friendship carries risks in every direction. Over-dependence on India carried its own risks for decades, ones Bangladeshis lived with quietly until 2024 made the cost visible. A Bangladesh that trades with everyone and is owned by no one is a healthier Bangladesh than one locked into a single patron, whichever capital that patron sits in.

Strip away the geopolitics-as-scoreboard framing that dominates so much commentary on this shift, and what is left is a simpler story: a country that spent five decades as someone else’s periphery is trying, however imperfectly, to become the subject of its own foreign policy rather than an object of someone else’s. Pakistan is one of several doors that opened when the old order in Dhaka fell. Turkey is another. China is a third. The United States and the wider West remain very much in the picture too.

Bangladesh’s voters, not Islamabad or Beijing, will ultimately decide how far this recalibration goes through the ballot box, as they already did in February 2026. That is exactly how it should work. A more autonomous Bangladesh, comfortable enough in its own sovereignty to talk to Pakistan without treating the conversation as treason, is not a loss for the region. It is what a genuinely post-colonial South Asia was always supposed to look like.